Responsible Government In The Canadian Regime Essay

Responsible Government In The Canadian Regime - Essay Example Soon, people began to agitate and rebel seeking "reform" of the constitutional system. As a result, Lord Durham was sent to Canada to investigate the cause of the rebellions and to figure out a solution. Lord Durham stressed that "the complete assimilation of French Canadians" (Malcomson and Myers 2005) was necessary and proposed the Act of Union. Further, he stated that a responsible government was needed to handle the situation and the British Government eventually acknowledged the idea. Canada's constitution has therefore been under the principle of responsible government, based on the fusion of power, which is distinct from a separation of powers. This fusion of power is the most important and fundamental factor in the responsible government system that helps the Canadian government remarkably efficient. It also increase voters' accountability, and imposes strong influence over the confidence in the House of Commons. The responsible government which depends on the fusion of power, allows the cabinet not only to acts as an executive but also to take a role in legislative action. There are no "standstills of the sort[and] once the cabinet backed by a parliamentary majoritythere is nothing to stand in its way." (Malcomson and Myers 2005) Because the same group is responsible for legislating, practicing and enforcing the law, they can take decisions without transferring the proposal from one branch to another for permission. Moreover, in a responsible government, the "power is married to responsibility". (Kam, Sept 19, 2006) Under separation of powers, it is hard to blame a particular branch or a person for unsatisfactory political events. However, in a responsible government, the power is fused into one system, and therefore, the responsibility for positive or negative events lies on one entity alone. This also influences the voters' evaluation of their elected servants. The fusion of power increases the accountability to the voters much more than separation of powers. Under the principles of responsible government, the prime minister and the cabinet's legitimacy solely depend on the confidence of the House of Commons which generates unique characteristics for the government. The prime minister and the cabinet are not directly elected by the people. Because of this, their democratic legitimacy depends on the confidence of the House of Commons. Consequently, if the members of the party do no support each other and cooperate in order to endorse the ministry, they will soon lose the confidence of the House and their right to rule would be taken away. For this reason, the party discipline in Canada is pretty strong. Furthermore, it prompts MPs to vote in support of their party instead of their constituents' desires. The dependence on the confidence of the House of Commons also influences the date of the election in Canada. Under the principle of separation of powers, each branch and the president are elected separately. Once they are elected, they each have their own mandate. However, in Canada, "the timing of parliamentary elections is normally decided by the prime minister". They "canlose that confidence at anytime,[so] it is essential to be able to hold elections at any time." (Malcomson and Myers 2005) The responsible government system originated from the British, but soon percolated into the Canadian government, creating distinctive features in the

The issue of regional currency unification Essay

The issue of regional currency unification - Essay Example However, the important and fundamental differences between the European Union and the other regions needs to be viewed critically, because the circumstances obtained in the case of EU with regard to the regional currency unification is significantly different compared to the other regions mainly in terms of political background, level of interactions among the member states, diplomatic relationships, cultural differences, historical political relationships among these countries, the level of maturity and understanding on the part of the various stakeholders with regard to the benefits that might arise out of currency unification. Apart from the economic considerations, which are not insurmountable in any case, the political situations in the different countries in the region both domestically and in relation to the neighboring countries and the leadership issues in these countries could act as a stumbling block in the progress towards regional currency unification. Economic integrati on in the developing world Currency substitution in the backdrop of globalization is the common phenomenon in many countries. US Dollar has been used in several countries outside the US, and Euro outside EU countries simultaneously alongside the local currencies. This practice is prevalent in most of the countries in travel, tourism and hotel industries, where the US Dollar and Euro are accepted freely. There are many full- fledged money changers registered with the centrals banks of various countries doing business around the world, who exchange currencies of a country for currencies of other countries. Currency movements across the borders have substantially increased over the period of time on account of remittances by the nationals residing in foreign countries consequent upon liberalization and globalization of economies. In the integration process of the global economy, absolute control over supply and circulation of money by the state has given way to the unification of regio nal currencies, which may subsequently pave way for common currency for the world as a whole or at the best few currencies. Debates on replacement of national currency with the common currency by all the countries in a specified region, as in the case of Euro, have gathered momentum at regional level in various parts of the globe. For instance, the idea of common currency for SAARC countries (South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation), ASEAN countries, regional African countries and so on are on conceptual level at various stages. Regional unification of currencies The move towards regional currency regime need not be considered as a surrender of sovereignty by the nations in the unification process. Rather it is a process of coming together by various nations recognizing the need for unification, justified by the benefits of currency unification in the economic development of the constituent countries. According to Cohen (2003, p. 2), the emergence of regional currencies can be regarded as a logical corollary of the intense competitive contest among monies – a Darwinian struggle where, ultimately, only the fittest may survive. The decision of a country with regard to unification of currencies is dependent upon several factors such as size of the economy, stability in the financial markets, and its exposure to international trade, political situation in the country and its diplomatic relationship with the other countries in the

Ethical neutrality Essay Example for Free

Ethical neutrality Essay In what follows, when we use the term â€Å"evaluation† we will mean, where nothing else is implied or expressly stated, practical value-judgments as to the unsatisfactory or satisfactory character of phenomena subject to our influence. The problem involved in the â€Å"freedom† of a given discipline from evaluations of this kind, i. e., the validity and the meaning of this logical principle, is by no means identical with the question which is to be discussed shortly, namely, whether in teaching one should or should not declare one’s acceptance of practical evaluations, regardless of whether they are based on ethical principles, cultural ideals or a philosophical outlook. This question cannot be settled scientifically. It is itself entirely a question of practical evaluation, and cannot therefore be definitively resolved. With reference to this issue, a wide variety of views are held, of which we shall only mention the two extremes. At one pole we find (a) the standpoint that there is validity in the distinction between purely logically deducible and purely empirical statements of fact on the one hand, and practical, ethical or philosophical evaluations on the other, but that, nevertheless – or, perhaps, even on that account- both classes of problems properly belong in the university. At the other pole we encounter (b) the proposition that even when the distinction cannot be made in a logically complete manner, it is nevertheless desirable that the assertion of practical evaluations should be avoided as much as possible in teaching. This second point of view seems to me to be untenable. Particularly untenable is the distinction which is rather often made in our field between evaluations linked with the positions of â€Å"political parties† and other sorts of evaluations. This distinction cannot be reasonably made: it obscures the practical implications of the evaluations which are suggested to the audience. Once the assertion of evaluations in university lectures is admitted, the contention that the university teacher should be entirely devoid of â€Å"passion† and that he should avoid all subjects which threaten to bring emotion into controversies is a narrow-minded, bureaucratic opinion which every teacher of independent spirit must reject. Of those scholars who believed that they should not renounce the assertion of practical evaluations in empirical discussions, the most passionate of them – such as Treitschke and, in his own way, Mommsen- were the most tolerable. As a result of their intensely emotional tone, their audiences were enabled to discount the influence of their evaluations in whatever distortion of the facts occurred. Thus, the audiences did for themselves what the lecturers could not do because of their temperaments. The effect on the minds of the students was to produce the same depth of moral feeling which, in my opinion, the proponents of the assertion of practical evaluations in teaching want to assure – but without the audience being confused as to the logical distinctiveness of the different types of propositions. This confusion must of necessity occur whenever both the exposition of empirical facts and the exhortation to espouse a particular evaluative standpoint on important issues are done with the same cool dispassionateness. The first point of view (a) is acceptable, and can indeed be acceptable from the standpoint of its own proponents, only when the teacher sees it as his unconditional duty – in every single case, even to the point where it involves the danger of making his lecture less stimulating – to make absolutely clear to his audience, and especially to himself, which of his statements are statements of logically deduced or empirically observed facts and which are statements of practical evaluation. Once one has granted the disjunction between the two spheres, it seems to me that doing this is an imperative requirement of intellectual honesty. It is the absolutely minimal requirement in this case. On the other hand, the question whether one should in general assert practical evaluations in teaching – even with this reservation – is one of practical university policy. On that account, in the last analysis, it must be decided only with reference to those tasks which the individual, according to his own set of values, assigns to the universities. Those who on the basis of their qualifications as university teachers assign to the universities, and thereby to themselves, the universal role of forming character, of inculcating political, ethical, aesthetic, cultural or other beliefs, will take a different position from those who believe it necessary to affirm the proposition and its implications – that university teaching achieves really valuable effects only through specialised training by specially qualified persons. Hence, â€Å"intellectual integrity† is the only specific virtue which universities should seek to inculcate. The first point of view can be defended from as many different ultimate evaluative standpoints as the second. The second – which I personally accept – can be derived from a most enthusiastic as well as from a thoroughly modest estimate of the significance of â€Å"specialised training†. In order to defend this view, one need not be of the opinion that everyone should become as much a pure â€Å"specialist† as possible. One may, on the contrary, espouse it because one does not wish to see the ultimate and deepest personal decisions which a person must make regarding his life, treated exactly as if they were the same as specialised training. One may take this position, however highly one assesses the significance of specialised training, not only for general intellectual training but indirectly also for the self-discipline and the ethical attitude of the young person. Another reason for taking this position is that one does not wish to see the student so influenced by the teacher’s suggestions that he is prevented from solving his problems in accordance with the dictates of his own conscience. Professor von Schmoller’s favourable disposition towards the teacher’s assertion of his own evaluations in the lecture room is thoroughly intelligible to me personally as the echo of a great epoch which he and his friends helped to create. Even he, however, cannot deny the fact that for the younger generation the objective situation has changed considerably in one important respect. Forty years ago there existed among the scholars working in our discipline, the widespread belief that of the various possible points of view in the domain of practical-political evaluations, ultimately only one was the ethically correct one. (Schmoller himself took this position only to a limited extent. ) Today this is no longer the case among the proponents of the assertion of professorial evaluations – as may readily be observed. The legitimacy of the assertion of professorial evaluation is no longer defended in the name of an ethical imperative resting on a relatively simple postulate of justice, which both in its ultimate foundations as well as in its consequences, partly was, and partly seemed to be, relatively unambiguous, and above all relatively impersonal, in consequence of its specifically trans-personal character. Rather, as the result of an inevitable development, it is now done in the name of a motley of â€Å"cultural evaluations†, i. e. , actually subjective cultural demands, or quite openly, in the name of the teachers’ alleged â€Å"rights of personality†. One may well wax indignant over this point of view, but one cannot- because it is a â€Å"practical evaluation† – refute it. Of all the types of prophecy, this â€Å"personally† tinted type of professorial prophecy is the most repugnant. There is no precedent for a situation in which a large number of officially appointed prophets do their preaching or make their professions of faith, not, as other prophets do, on the streets, or in churches or other public places- or if they do it privately, then in personally chosen sectarian conventicles – but rather regard themselves as best qualified to enunciate their evaluations on ultimate questions â€Å"in the name of science† and in the carefully protected quiet of governmentally privileged lecture halls in which they cannot be controlled, or checked by discussion, or subjected to contradiction. It is an axiom of long standing, which Schmoller on one occasion vigorously espoused, that what takes place in the lecture hall should be entirely confidential and not subject to public discussion. Although it is possible to contend that, even for purely academic purposes, this may occasionally have certain disadvantages, I take the view that a â€Å"lecture† should be different from a â€Å"speech†. The unconfined rigour, matter-of-factness and sobriety of the lecture declines, with definite pedagogical losses, once it becomes the object of publicity through, for example, the press. It is only in the sphere of his specialised qualifications that the university teacher is entitled to this privilege of freedom from outside surveillance or publicity. There is, however, no specialised qualification for personal prophecy, and for this reason it should not be granted the privilege of freedom from contradiction and public scrutiny. Furthermore, there should be no exploitation of the fact that the student, in order to make his way in life, must attend certain educational institutions and take courses with certain teachers with the result that in addition to what he needs, i.e. , the stimulation and cultivation of his capacity for understanding and reasoning, and a certain body of factual information – he also gets, slipped in among these, the teacher’s own attitude towards the world which even though sometimes interesting is often of no consequence, and which is in any case not open to contradiction and challenge. Like everyone else, the professor has other opportunities for the propagation of his ideals. When these opportunities are lacking, he can easily create them in an appropriate form, as experience has shown in the case of every honorable attempt. But the professor should not demand the right as a professor to carry the marshal’s baton of the statesman or the cultural reformer in his knapsack. This, however, is just what he does when he uses the unassailability of the academic lecture platform for the expression of political – or cultural-political- sentiments. In the press, in public meetings, in associations, in essays, in every avenue which is open to every other citizen, he can and should do what his God or daemon demands. The student should obtain, from his teacher in the lecture hall, the capacity to content himself with the sober execution of a given task; to recognize facts, even those which may be personally uncomfortable, and to distinguish them from his own evaluations. He should also learn to subordinate himself to his task and to repress the impulse to exhibit his personal sensations or other emotional states unnecessarily. This is vastly more important today than it was 40 years ago when the problem did not even exist in its present form. It is not true – as many have insisted – that the â€Å"personality† is and should be a â€Å"whole†, in the sense that it is distorted when it is not exhibited on every possible occasion. Every professional task has its own â€Å"responsibilities† and should be fulfilled accordingly. In the execution of his professional responsibility, a man should confine himself to it alone and should exclude whatever does not strictly belong to it – particularly his own loves and hates. The powerful personality does not manifest itself by trying to give everything a â€Å"personal touch† on every possible occasion. The generation which is now coming of age should, above all, again become used to the thought that â€Å"being a personality† is a condition which cannot be intentionally brought about by wanting it and that there is only one way by which it can – perhaps- be achieved: namely, the unreserved devotion to a â€Å"task†, whatever it – and its derivative â€Å"demands of the hour†- may be in any individual instance. It is in poor taste to mix personal concerns with the specialised analysis of facts. We deprive the word â€Å"vocation† of the only significant meaning it still possesses if we fail to adhere to that specific kind of self-restraint which it requires. But whether the fashionable â€Å"cult of the personality† seeks to dominate the throne, public office or the professorial chair – its effectiveness is only superficially impressive. Intrinsically, it is very petty and it always has injurious consequences. It should not be necessary for me to emphasise that the proponents of the views against which the present essay is directed can accomplish very little by this sort of cult of the â€Å"personality† for the very reason that it is â€Å"personal†. In part, they see the responsibilities of the university teacher in another light, in part they have other educational ideas which I respect but do not share. For this reason we must seriously consider no only what they are striving to achieve, but also how the views which they legitimate by their authority influence a generation with an already extremely pronounced predisposition to overestimate its own importance. Finally, it scarcely needs to be pointed out that many ostensible opponents of the academic assertion of political evaluations are by no means justified when they invoke the postulate of â€Å"ethical neutrality†, which they often gravely misunderstand, to discredit cultural and social-political discussions which take place in public and away from the university lecture hall. The indubitable existence of this spuriously â€Å"ethically neutral† tendentiousness, which in our discipline is manifested in the obstinate and deliberate partisanship of powerful interest groups, explains why a significant number of intellectually honorable scholars still continue to assert personal preferences in their teaching. They are too proud to identify themselves with this spurious abstention from evaluation. I believe that, in spite of this, what in my opinion is right should be done, and that the influence of the practical evaluations of a scholar, who confines himself to championing them on appropriate occasions outside the classroom, will increase when it becomes known that, inside the classroom, he has the strength of character to do exactly what he was appointed to do. But these statements are, in their turn, all matters of evaluation, and hence scientifically undemonstrable. In any case, the fundamental principle which justifies the practice of asserting practical evaluations in teaching can be consistently held only when its proponents demand that the proponents of the evaluations of all other parties be granted the opportunity to demonstrate the validity of their evaluations from the academic platform . But in Germany, insistence on the right of professors to state their preferences has been associated with the very opposite of the demand for the equal representation of all tendencies- including the most â€Å"extreme†. Schmoller thought that he was being entirely consistent when he declared that â€Å"Marxists and the Manchester school† were disqualified from holding academic positions, although he was never so unjust as to ignore their intellectual accomplishments. It is exactly on these points that I could never agree with our honoured master. One obviously ought not in one breath to justify the expression of evaluations in teaching – and when the conclusions are drawn therefrom, point out that the university is a state institution for the training of â€Å"loyal† civil servants. Such a procedure makes the university, not into a specialised technical school- which appears to be so degrading to many teachers- but rather into a theological seminary, although it does not have the religious dignity of the latter. Attempts have been made to set certain purely â€Å"logical† limits to the range of evaluations which should be allowed in university teaching. One of our foremost professors of law once explained, in discussing his opposition to the exclusion of socialists from university posts, that he too would be unwilling to accept an â€Å"anarchist† as a teacher of law since anarchists, in principle, deny the validity of law – and he regarded this argument as conclusive. My own opinion is exactly the opposite. An anarchist can surely be a good legal scholar. And if he is such, then indeed the Archimedean point of his convictions, which is outside the conventions and presuppositions which are so self-evident to us, could enable him to perceive problems in the fundamental postulates of legal theory which escape those who take them for granted. The most fundamental doubt is one source of knowledge. The jurist is no more responsible for â€Å"proving† the value of these cultural objects which are bound up with â€Å"law†, than the physician is responsible for demonstrating that the prolongation of life should be striven for under all conditions. Neither of them can do this with the means at their disposal. If, however, one wishes to turn the university into a forum for discussion of practical evaluations, then it obviously is obligatory to permit the most unrestricted freedom of discussion of fundamental questions from all standpoints. Is this feasible? Today the most decisive and important political evaluations are denied expression in German universities by the very nature of the present political situation. For all those to whom the interests of the national society transcend any of its individual concrete institutions, it is a question of central importance whether the conception which prevails today regarding the position of the monarch in Germany is reconcilable with the world interests of the country, and with the means- war and diplomacy- through which these are pursued. It is not always the worst patriots nor even anti-monarchists who give a negative answer to this question, and who doubt the possibility of lasting success in both these spheres unless some profound changes are made. Everyone knows, however, that these vital questions of our national life cannot be discussed with full freedom in German universities . In view of the fact that certain evaluations which are of decisive political significance are permanently prohibited in university discussion, it seems to me to be only in accord with the dignity of a representative of science and scholarship to be silent about such evaluations as he is allowed to expound. In no case, however, should the unresolvable question – unresolvable because it is ultimately a question of evaluations – as to whether one may, must, or should champion certain practical evaluations in teaching, be confused with the purely logical discussion of the relationship of evaluations to empirical disciplines such as sociology and economics. Any confusion on this point will hamper the thoroughness of the discussion of the logical problem. However, even the solution of the logical problem will provide no aid in seeking to answer the other question, beyond the two purely logically required conditions of clarity and an explicit distinction by the teacher of the different classes of problems. Nor need I discuss further whether the distinction between empirical propositions or statements of fact and practical evaluations is â€Å"difficult† to make. It is. All of us, those of us who take this position as well as others, come up against it time and again. But the exponents of the so-called â€Å"ethical economics†, particularly, should be aware, even though the moral law is unfulfillable, it is nonetheless â€Å"imposed† as a duty. Self-scrutiny would perhaps show that the fulfillment of this postulate is especially difficult, just because we reluctantly refuse to approach the very alluring subject of evaluation with a titillating â€Å"personal touch†. Every teacher has observed that the faces of his students light up and they become more interested when he begins to make a profession of faith, and that the attendance at his lectures is greatly increased by the expectation that he will do so. Everyone knows furthermore that, in the competition for students, universities when making recommendations for promotion will often give a prophet, however minor, who can fill the lecture halls, the upper hand over a much weightier and more sober scholar who does not offer his own evaluations. Of course, it is  understood that the prohet will leave untouched the politically dominant or conventional evaluations which are generally accepted at the time. Only the spuriously â€Å"ethical-neutral† prophet who speaks for powerful groups has, of course, better opportunities for promotion as a result of the influence which these groups have on the prevailing political powers. I regard all this as very unsatisfactory, and I will therefore not go into the proposition that the demand for abstention from evaluation is â€Å"petty† and that it makes lectures â€Å"boring†. I will not go into the question as to whether lecturers on specialised empirical problems must seek above all to be â€Å"interesting†. For my own part, in any case, I fear that a lecturer who makes his lectures stimulating by the intrusion of personal evaluations will, in the long run, weaken the students’ taste for sober empirical analysis. I will acknowledge without further discussion that it is possible, under the guise of eliminating all practical evaluations, to insinuate such evaluations with especial force by simple â€Å"letting the facts speak for themselves†. The better kind of parliamentary and electoral speeches in Germany operate in this way – and quite legitimately, given their purposes. No words should be wasted in declaring that all such procedures in university lectures, particularly if one is concerned with the observance of this separation, are , of all abuses, the most abhorrent. The fact, however, that a dishonestly created illusion of the fulfillment of an ethical imperative can be passed off as the reality, constitutes no criticism of the imperative itself. At any rate, even if the teacher does not believe that he should deny himself the right of rendering evaluations, he should make it absolutely explicit to the students and to himself that he is doing so. Finally, we must oppose to the utmost the widespread view that scientific â€Å"objectivity† is achieved by weighing the various evaluations against one another and making a â€Å"statesman-like† compromise among them. The â€Å"middle way† is not only just as undemonstrable scientifically – with the means of the empirical sciences – as the â€Å"most extreme† evaluations: in the sphere of evaluations, it is the least unequivocal. It does not belong in the university – but rather in political programmes, government offices, and in parliament. IThe sciences, both normative and empirical, are capable of rendering an inestimable service to persons engaged in political activity by telling them that (1) these and these â€Å"ultimate† evaluative positions are conceivable with reference to this practical problem; and (2) that such and such are the facts which you must take into account in making your choice between these evaluative positions. And with this we come to the real problem.

My Dance with the Devil :: Personal Narrative Writing

There was a hawk in the night. This is unusually rare for an apprehensive town like Albany. Something began that night in Albany that would leave an everlasting experience in my mind. It all started somewhere around the beginning of the winter season. In fact, it was on a Saturday night during choir rehearsal. The choir was going over the final song when Derrick stopped by the church. He asked me to ride with him and a friend down to New Orleans. Well, this was an opportunity that I could not miss out on; after all, I was an inquisitive teenager, daring to experience life at all cost. At any rate, rehearsal had come to an end. So Derrick and I got into the car and headed out to Hammond to pick up his friend, Sharon, and then headed on down to New Orleans. With each mile of the way, I could only think about what I had gotten myself into by taking this trip without letting my parents know where I was going. The journey from a small quiet town like Albany to a major city like New Orlean s had become a sudden switch to a risky atmosphere. It was mandatory that Mom or Dad always knew where I was whenever night appeared; this was a rule I lived by growing up in their home. On the contrary, here I was with Derrick and a total stranger as we headed down to a city that was known for violence, New Orleans. However, as if that was not enough, Derrick and his friend Sharon brought along some marijuana cigarettes that he had already rolled to smoke along the way. Since I did not smoke marijuana, Derrick brought a fifth of vodka and a bottle of orange juice along just for me. This mixture would get my head all messed up, like theirs, leaving me floating in a cloud without a worry in the world. He wanted me to enjoy the same sensations as he and Sharon. As we cruised on down to New Orleans, Derrick and Sharon smoked the reefer as I drank the vodka mixed with orange juice. We wanted to be on cloud nine so that by the time we reached the big city of New Orleans, our heads would be ready for adventure, and we could do anything, or so we thought. We reached our destination at last.

How Are Racial Issues Such As Stereotyping, Centrality and Stacking Related to the Olympics?

There are different examples in the Olympics, which deal with racist issues. Stacking, centrality and stereotyping are just three. Stereotyping is defined as when the athletes are said to be good or bad at certain sports due to their race or ethnicity. An example of the stereotyping is that â€Å"white men can't jump†. Stacking is where players are put into positions and sports based on their ethnic background. An example of stacking is the North Americans in the marathons. A linked theory is called centrality; this is where the dominant group in society does the dominant role in a team or sport, (in the UK and USA this tends to be WASP's (White Anglo Saxon Protestants)). An example of centrality is the Olympic Committee being mostly white. Every race is stereotyped where people label a group of people as all having the same image or characteristics for example people say that black people are faster at sprinting than white people. This isn't a racist comment as it is the truth. Scientists have found that Athletes of West African descent which include most African American, Caribbean and black British athletes have a physique that is suited to explosive events, requiring sprinting and jumping. Such athletes possess what biologists call a mesomorphic physique with bigger, more visible muscles including a larger chest. Their muscles contain a higher proportion of fast-twitch fibres than do whites or East Africans. Athletes of West African descent also possess less body fat, a higher centre of gravity, narrower hips, and higher levels of testosterone in their blood. There are myths that are formed based on this information that isn't true like ‘Black men can't swim'. These myths can lead to putting a person off a certain race from entering the Olympics. They may start the particular sport because of the stereotype. However, there is also the negative stereotype that people will not take up a certain sport as they are channelled towards certain sports due to their ethnic background or race. They also might want to take up a sport that they haven't seen anyone form their racial background competing and therefore will not take up that sport. There is a lot of over representation at the moment but only in specific sports, for example there are lots of Afro-Caribbean's competing in boxing and sprinting, Asians competing in badminton and hockey, and lastly the Far East compete mostly in table tennis and gymnastics. There has always been racism in the Olympics. One of the biggest issues was in 1936 at the Berlin games. Jesse Owens, one of the greatest track and field athletes of all times came to the Games holding two world records. In all four events, Owens either equalled the existing Olympic record or broke world records. He went home with four gold medals. His three other African Americans teammates also won Olympic medals. But Hitler refused to recognize the achievements of Owens and his â€Å"black auxiliaries† as he called them. Hitler walked out of the stadium when the time came to congratulate and present them with their well-won medals. He did not want to shake hands with black people who he considered inferior to his Aryan race. In another case of racism in the 1968 Mexico City Olympics, two African American sprinters, Tommy Smith and John Carlos raised a black-gloved fist (the Black power salute) while on the victory stand to protest U.S. racial policies, causing acts of hooliganism and fighting among the Americans in the stadium. Both athletes were expelled from the Games and they were sent home like criminals. Carlos claimed that â€Å"Ours was not a political act; it was a moral act-and that's all right.† Also at these Games was the expulsion of South Africa due to the Apartheid, which has also been a major factor in Olympic history. They were not allowed to compete in the Olympics from 1964 to 1992 due to the discrimination between Black and White races. This showed that strong racist issues such as these were not being tolerated, the Olympics were starting to reflect world union, and everyone is equal. It caused major problems in the Montreal games 1976 because many African nations boycotted the games. They were in protest at New Zealand entering, because the New Zealand rugby team, the ‘All Blacks', had toured South Africa, where apartheid was taking place. Finally though in 1992 South Africa abolished Apartheid and was allowed back into the Barcelona games. As time as gone on roles of black people have changed. Nowadays there are many black role models for example there is Denise Lewis. She encourages young black girls to partake in athletics. More and more people of different origins are taking part in sports that they are expected not to take part in. Stereotyping, centrality and stacking are still happening in the Olympics now. Take the 100m final in the Athens Games; there was not one single white man in that race just black men.

Will Star Trek-Style Matter Transporters Ever Exist

Beam me up, Scotty! Its one of the most famous lines in the Star Trek franchise and refers to the futuristic matter transportation device or transporter on every ship in the galaxy. The transporter dematerializes entire humans (and other objects) and sends their constituent particles to another destination where they are perfectly reassembled. The best thing to come to personal point-to-point transportation since the elevator, this technology seemed to have been adopted by every civilization in the show, from the inhabitants of Vulcan to the Klingons and Borg. It solved a multitude of plot problems and made the shows and movies iconically cool. Is Beaming Possible? Will it ever be possible to develop such technology? The idea of transporting solid matter by turning it into a form of energy and sending it great distances sounds like magic. Yet, there are scientifically valid reasons why it could, perhaps, one day happen. Recent technology has made it possible to transport—or beam if you will—small pools of particles or photons from one location to another.  This quantum mechanics phenomenon is known as quantum transport. The process does have future applications in many electronics such as advanced communication technologies and super-fast quantum computers. Applying the same technique to something as large and complex as a living human being is a very different matter. Without some major technological advances, the process of turning a living person into information has risks that make the Federation-style transporters impossible for the foreseeable future. Dematerializing So, whats the idea behind beaming? In the Star Trek universe, an operator dematerializes the thing to be transported, sends it along, and then the thing gets rematerialized at the other end. Although this process can currently work with the particles or photons described above, taking apart a human being and dissolving them into individual subatomic particles is not remotely possible now.  Given our current understanding of biology and physics, a living creature could never survive such a process. There are also some philosophical considerations to think about when transporting living beings. Even if the body could be dematerialized, how does the system handle the persons consciousness and personality? Would those decouple from the body? These issues are never discussed in Star Trek, although there have been science fiction stories exploring the challenges of the first transporters. Some science fiction writers imagine that the transportee is actually killed during this step, and then reanimated when the bodys atoms are reassembled elsewhere. But, this seems like a process that no one would willingly undergo. Re-materializing Lets postulate for a moment that it would be possible to dematerialize—or energize as they say on screen—a human being. An even greater problem arises: getting the person back together at the desired location.  There are actually several problems here. First, this technology, as used in the shows and movies, seems to have no difficulty in beaming the particles through all kinds of thick, dense materials on their way from the starship to distant locations. This is highly unlikely to be possible in reality. Neutrinos can pass through rocks and planets, but not other particles. Even less feasible, however, is the possibility of arranging the particles in just the right order so as to preserve the persons identity (and not kill them). There is nothing in our understanding of physics or biology that suggests we can control matter in such a way. Moreover, a persons identity and consciousness is likely not something that can be dissolved and remade. Will We Ever Have Transporter Technology? Given all the challenges, and based on our current understanding of physics and biology, it does not seem likely that such technology will ever come to fruition. However, famed physicist and science writer Michio Kaku wrote in 2008 that he anticipated scientists developing a safe version of such technology in the next hundred years. We may very well discover unimagined breakthroughs in physics that would allow this type of technology. However, for the moment, the only transporters were going to see will be on TV and movie screens. Edited and expanded by Carolyn Collins Petersen

Neglected Diseases Under-Funded Research and Insufficient Health Interventions - Free Essay Example

Sample details Pages: 5 Words: 1451 Downloads: 8 Date added: 2017/06/26 Category Health Essay Type Argumentative essay Did you like this example? Neglected diseases: under-funded research and insufficient health interventions Sachs (2001, 2002) describes how health, science and technology are increasingly being identified as the fundamental pillars for the social and economic development. Despite the advancements in scientific and technology, infectious diseases are on the rise and keep affecting the poor and considered marginalized populations of the world. Three key factors are attributed to the burden from a public health point of view. These include the failure to use the tools that are in existence or either they are inadequate and failing. Another reason is that there is insufficient knowledge of the disease. The resulting outcome is the neglected diseases such as HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis (TB) and malaria that the public-private partnerships have started to tackle the situation. The most of these neglected diseases are the sleeping sickness and the Chagas disease that are virtually ignored when it co mes to drug development and continue to plague the developing world. However, this reality could otherwise be changed like the example of Tanzania where there has been better use of the interventions already present. Another obstacle is the investment made in the basic research alone which will automatically lead to the development of new tools and their flawless adoption and use by the health systems of poor countries. This vision emphasizes the use of the available knowledge on the gaps but also disregards the difficulty of the health translation of research into policy and its practicality. There are usually complex relationships between the fundamental science and technological innovations. Stokes (1997) argues that the low priority that is given to the public health and research as pertains to health, by most disease endemic countries worsens the situations when they do the research themselves. Infectious diseases cause a lot of threats that the possibilities of singling out a specific strain is next to impossible. Instead of selecting the killer disease, we should also take into consideration of the biological enemies. We should put in mind the possible voluntary spread of infections by bioterrorism and the biological warfare. Henderson (1998) explains that although Ebola with wings is still a hypothesis, we should not forget that the pandemic of influenza is permanently on the horizon and that bioterrorism has already killed people. The postponing of the destruction of the last strains of the smallpox virus has resulted in the spending millions of dollars, in the campaign against a disease that was officially certified as having been eradicated in 1979 is a sad outcome. The proportion of military expenditure used to support the purchase of arms and the equipping militia has had an increase in GDP from 0% to 10% in areas such as Iceland and Costa Rica. It is higher in other sectors such as Eritrea having 22.9%, Angola with 21.2% while others hav e been excluded due to inconceivable health and education data. The component health share on the GDP continues to shrink considerably when compared to education. In simpler terms, military-oriented governments are more prone to finance a war and other armed skirmishes at the expense of the health structures and services of their population. Charitable Organization: World Health Organization The world health organization is a dedicated agency of the United Nations concerned with the public health on an international scope. It was created in 1948 and is a member of the United Nations Development Group. The world health assembly convened in July 1948 and settled at the creation of the World Health Organization to sign 61 countries. The current priorities of the WHO (world Health organization) include all communicable diseases in particular focusing on HIV/AIDS, Ebola, Malaria, and Tuberculosis. It is tasked with mitigating their effects, sexual reproduction, health and developme nt, food security, aging and nutrition, once all these are accomplished; they compile and develop reports and publications to network. WHO is responsible for the WHO health report which is a leading international paper on the health, the worldwide World health survey and the World Health Day. The proposed budget for the 2014/2015 is at US$3.98 billion of which about US$0.93 billion is to be provided by the member states. Cassels (2002) When any disaster happens, WHO is tasked with the objective of reducing any adverse consequences the catastrophe may have on the world health and its social and economic implications. The WHO has successfully announced the extraordinary spread of the disease polio on 5 May 2014. The outbreaks happened in Asia, Africa, and Middle East. On 8, August 2014, WHO discovered the Ebola outbreak and declared it a public health emergency as they believe it started in Guinea and found its way to subsequent countries such as Liberia and Sierra Leone. They cons ider the situation in West Africa severe. Shimkin (2014) The legislative and supreme body of the World Health Organization is the World Health Assembly, which is based in Geneva. Their annual meetings are usually in may, and it is the one responsible for appointing the director general every five years. On a number of occasions, it votes on the policies and the possible sources of finance for WHO including their budgets. It reviews the reports made by the Executive Board and decides where there is a need for further evaluation. The Assembly elects a qualified team in the field of health, notably 34 members, to the Executive Board for a period of three years. The primary functions of this committee are to implement the policies the assembly puts in place and to facilitate its work. In the recent years, the work the WHO has been doing has been on the increase and has been involved in collaboration with different external bodies. In 2002, the total number of NGOs who had partners hips with the World Health Organization was 473. In addition to, there were 189 partnerships with international non-governmental organization in formal official relations while the rest were considered to be informal in character. Shimkin (2014) Investment Funds: Why the World Health Organization Doesnt Have Enough Funds The WHO was in deep financial trouble in 2012 with a deficit of 300 million USD. The World health assembly voted for major budgetary reforms, as a result. The agency has taken into action pruning and prioritizing their work. However, the $3.98 billion budget that was approved by the Assembly for 2014–15 shows zero growth on the $3.96-billion budget for 2012–13. These numbers are in line with the flat lining of the worldwide spending on global health. It would be imperative to notice that the government support for WHO has leveled off in the recent years and fails to keep up with the rising needs. Their budget is now majorly funded by the member c ountries. The Congressional Research service formulated a report that showed how US funding for the global health programs was increasing steadily until 2011 and then suffered a blow and started declining for the first time. The funding from US in 2010 totaled to $280 million in support of WHO’s general fund. Two years later, according to documents from the WHO, Washington had reduced the contribution 23% to $215 million. The drop in the US funding was as a result of the overall global trend. The financial crisis and their long term effect had set in. Many members started to replace their stimulus packages with the strict budgets and cutbacks on their initial commitment to the World Health Organization. Declain (2013) WHO had proposed a budget in 2010 which greatly exceeded the money inflow and thus faced with reduced income. They had to scale back its budget to around $3.96 billion total which was 20% less than what the leaders initially wished for at the time. The res ult was the slashing of 300 jobs at the Swiss headquarters. The US again in 2013, significantly reduced their contributions dropping its funding to $180 million. The 2014/15 budget which was approved in May 2013 has held steady at about $3.97 billion. The budget has also funded half of the health crises funding which caters for $228 million. About two-thirds of the overall budget for the World Health Organization is earmarked by donors including the United States for individual projects like the anti-Malaria or HIV/AIDS programs. Consequently, a substantial portion of the organization’s funds are off limits for the Ebola Effort. Alex (2014) References Cassels A: â€Å"Bioterrorism becoming too dominant on public health agenda? Can. Med. Assoc, 2002 Fenner F., Henderson D.A: â€Å"Smallpox and its eradication.† WHO, Geneva, Switzerland, (1988) Shimkin, Michael B: The World Health Organization, Science (American Association for the Advancement of Science, 20 14). Sachs J.D: â€Å"Macroeconomics and Health: Investing in Health for Economic Development. Report of the Commission on Macroeconomics and Health, 2001 Sachs J.: â€Å"The essential ingredient.† (2002) Stokes D.E.: â€Å"Pasteur’s Quadrant: Basic Science and Technological Innovation.† The Brookings Institution, Washington DC, USA, (1997) Henderson D.A: â€Å"The looming threat of bioterrorism. Science,† (1999) Declain Buttler: â€Å"World Health Agency Gets a Grip on Its Budget†, 2013 Alex Park: â€Å"Why the World Health Organization Doesnt Have Enough Funds to Fight Ebola†, 2014. Don’t waste time! Our writers will create an original "Neglected Diseases: Under-Funded Research and Insufficient Health Interventions" essay for you Create order